Section 7 of "White Supremacy on Its Deathbed"
Let us workshop this section (of a larger essay) that points out various harms done to black people by the mega-money circus industry of antiracism that supposedly champions them
To keep blacks stunted and dependent (especially on pink nipples engorged with the pity milk of lowered expectations); to preserve the upsetting reality of black underperformance in so many sectors; to condition blacks to settle for less than their true capabilities; to erode the motivation in blacks for personal growth and development; to foster a sense of black inferiority within blacks and nonblacks alike, perpetuating the notion that black individuals are incapable of competing on an equal playing field without special considerations; to keep the slave mentality entrenched in the black zeitgeist and embroil blacks in a circus-elephant-sad pattern of seeking power merely through guilt-tripping whites for past injustice; to absolve blacks of personal agency and responsibility—what might white supremacy do from its deathbed?
It could just sit back and revel in our world where black people, their predecessors having been toolified in the mid-twentieth century to carry out a Marxist agenda aimed at tanking the government by ensnaring as many bodies as possible in the web of welfare dependency, now regard reliance on government assistance as a unquestionable birthright—indeed, a badge of underdog honor connecting them with their forefathers; a point of twisted pride strategic to invoke in college applications as proof of how hard they had it growing up.
It could just sit back and revel in our world where blacks, their predecessors having found rare opportunity in a dangerous black market opened up by a well-intentioned war on drugs, now regard drug dealing as an easier calling than being a doctor or lawyer—indeed, a badge of underdog honor connecting them with their forefathers; a point of twisted pride strategic to invoke in rap lyrics as proof of how black they really are.
It could just sit back and revel in our world where, although swiftly dealt with by officials afraid of being branded as “racist,” incidents of police brutality against blacks, magnified in choking-tazzing-clubbing-shooting detail by a media that pays little to no attention to the similar acts of brutality—similar neck-knee holds for similar protracted durations for similar excruciating deaths by asphyxiation—faced by an almost equal number of whites (albeit without the urgency for swift justice), become sensationalized as such a regular occurrence in America that “antiracists” presume their prevalence to be in the tens of thousands (far surpassing the mere dozens in reality), thus rendering unbelievable the truth that more cops are killed by blacks than vice versa—all this, of course, putting blacks in submission (as if by meticulous design) in two pivotal ways: instilling an element of fear when it comes to going out into the public sphere (the very arena where careers are built, money is made, connections are formed, and nature is experienced) while at the same time reinforcing within black culture a victimhood mindset where petulant demands for special privileges seem much more attractive and black-appropriate than pursuit of excellence.
It could just sit back and revel in our world where, against a constant backdrop of niggative lyrics drowning out all the rest (“Nigga named Ruger, he a shooter, though / Never had a V, always pulled up in an Uber, though / Left him on seen, nigga blew up my text / But I called him last week to come shoot at my ex”), incidents of police brutality against blacks, statistically rare compared to the countless high-intensity interactions each year with a heavily-armed populace, will be chalked up—in what amounts to a slander of sociology—solely to the bogeyman of white supremacy (invisible, of course, only for racists), rather than to a more nuanced explanation:
the alarming overrepresentation of blacks in violent crime;
officers recognizing, for that reason, (a) the importance of focusing on black communities, which disproportionately request police assistance, so as to serve and protect a larger number of people, and (b) the ease of meeting interaction quotas (and sotto-voce arrest quotas) by concentrating on those communities;
a persistent thug-life cop-killing theme prevalent in popular black art, art that happens to be the most popular art in America;
a streak in black urban male culture—as present today as once was, in that same culture, the refusal to “eat pussy” or the disdain for “fags”—to be noncompliant with cop commands (as an expression of being “authentically black,” being a Jim Kelly in Enter the Dragon or in Three the Hard Way “sticking it to the man”);
a police profession self-selecting perhaps a bit more for machismo (even authoritarian-bully) types who, especially once adorned with a badge, struggle to deal with challenges (backtalk or noncompliance) to the authority around which they locate their identity;
a sense that poor people (which constitute the overwhelming majority of brutality cases, including against blacks) have less to lose and are more susceptible to intoxication and mental illness, and so are more willing to go to escalating extremes during police interactions;
police officers who, despite the manly-man self-identification, are not infrequently insecure and out-of-shape and so undertrained in de-escalation techniques and so unskilled in nonlethal restraint (such as would be developed from jujitsu training) that there are times when they shoot even legless people wielding no more than knives).
It could just sit back and revel in our world where—despite the so-called “total war against blacks led by an institutionally racist police force” (a police force that close to fifteen percent of US liberals and close to ten percent of US conservatives believe killed about ten thousand unarmed blacks in 2019, and that likely over fifty percent of either liberals or conservatives would say was at least one hundred)—only around twenty-five unarmed blacks were killed by cops in 2019 whereas the number of unarmed whites killed (although unlisted on Wikipedia, unlike in the case of blacks) was around thirty-five—a figure that does indicate that blacks are more likely to be killed by cops (given the population ratio of about four whites for every one black in the country), but still a disparity at least partially attributable to the fact that blacks commit a disproportionate amount of violent crime (being around seven times more likely than whites).
It could just sit back and revel in our world where—despite the so-called “total war against blacks by regular white citizens (the likes of which has not been seen since the lynching era)”—violent crimes between blacks and whites amount to about five violent crimes out of hundred, with blacks being the victims in less than twenty percent of those cases.
It could just sit back and revel in our world where victim-narrative falsities are promulgated enough to seem axiomatic:
(1) that the majority of US blacks are destitute urbanites (instead of middle-class suburbanites);
(2) that black households earn less than white households for the same work (instead of earning roughly the same as whites, more in many cities across the nation, when we consider the disproportionate number of black single-parent households surviving on welfare and the disproportionate number of blacks living in areas—especially the southern US—where wages are lower for everyone and especially when we adjust for age, region, location, and educational level);
(3) that performance gaps between blacks and whites indicate of systemic racism (instead of those performance gaps, many of which close significantly simply when we account for age and study time, being a function of cultural values and educational practices in the black communities with higher rates of single-parent homes);
(4) that blacks are less likely to receive callbacks and job offers due to rampant racism (instead of due to worries about overrepresentation in crime and underperformance in education in those rare cases (say, entry-level private-sector jobs twenty-five years ago in podunk places) where blacks fail to enjoy the substantial hiring advantage they enjoy in most sectors over equally-qualified white candidates, especially given the longstanding and widespread affirmative-action initiative in a country where countless employers and colleges need diversity-forward positions to be deemed serious and competitive);
(5) that largescale antiblack racism is baked into the criminal justice system (instead of longer and more punitive sentences explained predominantly by prior criminal record, the nature of the offense, and the quality of the legal representation);
(6) that racial profiling by police officers in many cities is because of antiblack bias (instead of because blacks commit a disproportionate amount of crimes, which results in a higher demand for police intervention in black communities);
(7) that excessive police brutality against blacks, as if it were “open season” on them (as one book puts it), represents a commonplace trend of American racism (instead of being a comparative anomaly comparatively over-spotlighted in a country where differences in rates of police shootings and police encounters between whites and blacks virtually go away when we adjust for the higher rate of black violent crime reported by victims).
It could just sit back and revel in our world where, due to these ingrained “axioms” (and all the doors to virtue signaling that open up thereby), governments and business are excessive with freebies and slack-cutting, with praise that would seem backhanded if directed toward whites.
It could just sit back and revel in our world where black kids are indoctrinated into thinking that in order to have a wholehearted desire to reach a goal, or to believe in their potential to reach it, they need to see someone doing it who looks like them, thus allowing us to accept in better conscience the fifth-string black over the first-string white.
It could just sit back and revel in our world where blind interviews and blind auditions, once hailed as a means to combat prejudice in selection processes, are now (like blind criminal justice and blind healthcare and other insidious forms of “blindness”) deemed a problem because—in letting decisions be made on a case-by-case determination of merit or talent or character (“insidious concepts of white supremacy”) rather than on the basis of color, and thereby in blocking a great deal of black entry while favoring whites (who “gained their talents on the back of black oppression anyway”)—they are anti-equity disruptors of “the only solution to racist discrimination: antiracist discrimination."
It could just sit back and revel in our world where—just as we do not increase the educational resources in black communities as a response to underscoring in math and reading, but rather simply declare the standards used to measure them (and in some cases even math and reading themselves) white supremacist—we do not increase classical music education in black communities as a response to black underrepresentation in orchestras, but rather simply declare blind auditions (and musical notation and all the rest) white supremacist and thereby demand—for how else are we going to do more than just offer lip service to diversity?—that the priority be selecting black people (even if it means selecting those unable to meet the usual standards and even if it means getting rid of white musicians and perhaps also musicians of other minorities).
It could just sit back and revel in our world where, in order “to dismantle the legacy of white supremacy in western music,” second best is to privilege systems of music notation other than the European one (even though the European one, superior to the Chinese and the Indian and even the African, captures pitch and rhythm precisely enough to do what others cannot: namely, capture even the strangest and most sophisticated music of all traditions) and first best, since the demand to read music disproportionately impacts blacks (who are about hip feeling rather than square thinking), is to do away with music notation altogether (the paradigm of black music, hip hop, having none of such elitism)—starting, of course, with the “colonialist representational system of Western notation” precisely because its superior ability to capture (or, perhaps better, “enslave”) all other forms of music makes it “such a useful tool for the white evil of appropriation” that even black bodies who learn or utilize it are in some sense “complicit in white supremacy.”
It could just sit back and revel in our world where, instead of devoting resources to programs that make black students competitive, blacks are judged by different standards (such as capacity for outspoken passion rather than for critical-ethical thinking) and are exempted from ennobling challenges, such that yet another generation of children (black and nonblack) will be unable to resist—however much they try (in fear of finding the r-word pulsing in neon over their faces in the bathroom mirror)—from growing in the deepest recesses of their hearts the conviction that black people are intellectually stunted, or at least that “black” and “nerd” do not go together, to such an extent that they cannot help but read any surprisingly articulate one as not fully black.
It could just sit back and revel in our world where black people accept and even celebrate (for being pro-diversity) the lowered bars for admission and hiring, for reading and writing and speaking, that nicely screw over blacks into a state of eroded motivation for personal growth and development:
watering down the accomplishments of high achieving blacks (so much that geniuses of rigor and originality are put on a par with intellectual lightweights hooked on the continued boosterism of the white world);
taking away developmental pressure for blacks to rise to what they otherwise would be able to rise to;
hooking blacks on “extra help,” such that they become wards of white pity;
making blacks—even the ones who really are topnotch and who put in topnotch effort—feel lesser than (in their very souls) and making others look at them as lesser than.
It could just sit back and revel in our world where, by lowering the bars for blacks, institutions get to feel and seem virtuous even as their bar-lowering only further cloaks, and thereby further hides from cure, deeper causes of black underachievement:
causes such as the cultural emphasis placed on being “authentically black,” which means being able to hang in project-housing territories with swagger (in general, just not being nerdy like white people);
causes such as the failure of elementary school curricula, or of family structure, or of a “niggative” cultural attitude toward achievement in the “white world”).
It could just sit back and revel in our world—our “progressive” world—where, as if to demoralize and humiliate blacks (at least subconsciously, only to resurface perhaps in the last third of the night), blacks are dozens of times more likely to get picked for universities over equally-qualified Asian kids.
It could just sit back and revel in our world where all the sermonizing about how important it is to exempt blacks from various challenges (like doing away with the requirement to learn Greek even if the black student majors in Greek, or doing away with the requirement to read music even if the black student majors in Music) will be effective enough to entrench it into practice—and yet not effective enough to make blacks forget (again, at least in the early morning hours) the humiliating fact that they are being patted on the head with kid gloves because they are lesser than.
It could just sit back and revel in our world where, to render the option of trying harder a nonstarter and to perpetuate the cycle of underachievement, the blame for blacks not doing as well as whites on tests and on licensure requirements, the blame for the disparity between the number of blacks and number of whites in elite science high schools or with careers in aerospace engineering, is (conveniently) placed upon the selection measures themselves—“standards distressful particularly to black bodies because of the white supremacy baked into them.”
It could just sit back and revel in our world where the blame for black shortcomings in abstract reasoning is (conveniently) placed upon “the black-body rape intrinsic to the assessment standards” (despite their blind administration, and despite the thorough efforts to ensure their fairness, and despite various factors, not the least of which are black environments of low intellectual stimulation harboring “niggative” cultural attitudes toward abstract thinking as being “something for white people”).
It could just sit back and revel in our world where, by casting the blame elsewhere than upon these stultifying environments, these environments stand a greater chance of survival, thereby locking in the historical privilege of whites performing better when it comes to abstract thinking, locking it in even more securely than does the main other complementary strategy of hypnotizing blacks to believe a lie tempting for them believe after centuries of addiction to having their agency tied to their victimizers by a short chain—a lie tempting for them to believe since it justifies tossing off the burden of carving their own paths to the degree that other humans can, of the freedom of being able to choose what to be responsible for (as opposed to the freedom of having no responsibilities), of stepping up to do something with the opportunities afforded them, of responsible parenting, of self-improvement, of independence from government assistance: the lie, namely, that these environments are the inevitable and inescapable byproduct of centuries of slavery (followed then by immiserating and humiliating Jim Crow laws and redlining and various other impediments to blacks getting to enjoys the fruits of being born in America).
It could just sit back and revel in our world where, because of this lie (and the related lie that things have only gotten worse for blacks in America and thus that the efforts of brave and inspirational black leaders over the last century were in vain if not themselves orchestrated by white supremacy), blacks in this country—despite decades of redress dispensations and having reached a point where racial tolerance is better than any other time in world history (not to mention the successes of wave after wave of various down-and-out immigrant groups)—see themselves, in what amounts to a slap in the face to those around the globe suffering from real institutional racism (think India’s caste system and other cases of concrete racism around the world, which are best kept hidden to America in order to ensure that exaggerations of black mistreatment go unchecked), as outsiders forever barred from even entering the candy store with the other kids they get to watch through bulletproof windows.
It could just sit back and revel in our world where, if ever their practice of direct preferential admission were banned (or, second best, shifting to a system of lottery-based admissions), universities carrying out the coddling agenda would be prepared to do away with SAT and GRE and LSAT requirements altogether (on grounds that “it is unjust and uncivil, not to mention mortifying, to ask black people to compete in a colorblind meritocracy with people who don’t face their historical and continued traumas”)—doing away with these requirements, these “white supremacist weapons to humiliate blacks and exclude their representation in various sectors,” even at the price, yes, of leading humanity as a whole down a road of mediocrity (which would perhaps be the best road anyway, as far as some Palpatine-like white supremacy on its deathbed would be concerned, given the risk otherwise of non-mediocrity leaking out to blacks).
It could just sit back and revel in our world where hiring standards are lowered, even if at the expense of tanking the possibility of groundbreaking advances coming out of universities or of more people dying on the surgery table because of incompetence—yes, whites included (as if the collateral damage of some real antiblack agenda, rather than of the fake one on which the black-damaging mega-industry of so-called “antiracism” depends).
It could just sit back and revel in our world, a creepy world, where even Huxtable blacks, treated too as borderline disableds, are denied the chance to show how they can reach greatness without the help of a white savior with quotas to fill—an eerie scenario in itself, but especially considered in light of the Skinnerian experiment showing how fleas are easily conditioned: after just few days of the lid being on the mason jar, fleas that could easily jump out no longer jump high enough to do so (such conditioning spreading down multiple generations).
It could just sit back and revel in our world, a cynical world, where even Huxtable blacks, in the shadow of constant pandering, are denied a dignified sense of respect and appreciation even for anything they do accomplish on their own, which with the help of poor blacks will nicely help preserve the intelligence gap between blacks and every other group.
It could just sit back and revel in our world where, to be seen as and to see themselves as deserving of spoiling special treatment, blacks find their highest dignity in getting whites to admit they have been the most heinously victimized people the world has ever seen.
It could just sit back and revel in our world where black power is defined primarily in terms of stewing over injustices inflicted upon their ancestors and, instead of devoting internal energy to lift themselves up, demanding (in the name of “justice” and “accountability”) payouts and favors from the brethren of black victimizers—payouts and favors that, so as never to divest themselves of the ability to say in the pathos spirit of Ralphie in A Christmas Story “Look what you have done to me,” at best amount to new rims for their wheelchairs and someone there to push them up any hills.
It could just sit back and revel in our world where blacks are to devote their days begging for special favors from a US system they think is hopelessly corrupted by white supremacy—so corrupted it would seem only logical for them to conclude (but remember, logic is itself antiblack) that any such helping hand would actually be toxic to blacks.
It could just sit back and revel in our world where—“whitenotized” as needing whites to unruin them (a gospel eerily similar to what heartened the Trans-Atlantic slave trade: “A white Savior is your only hope out of the dung”)—blacks are lured away from Harlem-Renaissance style efforts to enter the pantheon of human greats (like Shakespeare) and, instead, into a ruinous game where they locate their core power in guilt-tripping whites (as a son might a mother for past abuse).
It could just sit back and revel in our world where, in turn, at least those whites not in denial of their white supremacy get absolution for being white (that is, get their guilt lashed away, in the safe way of BDSM, for being descendants of sea-bottom-senders, rapers, slavers, lynchers, hosers, humiliators, redliners) by excusing blacks shortcomings (even acts of barbarism) as understandable given the horrors of the past.
It could just sit back and revel in our world where America, in addition to warping the perspective of Americans as to the severity of antiblack racism, makes sure to export its distorted views to other countries—this way, as people in Stockholm and Paris and Brazil protest the underrepresentation of blacks in STEM fields in America or protest the killing of black men by cops in America, there will be less of a chance for blacks to become truly woke: woke from their victimhood stupor.
It could just sit back and revel in our world where whites are pressured to spend their lives groveling in atonement for the sins of like-looking dead, doing all they can—even to unjust and spoiling lengths—to help, thereby becoming (as the helpers of the down and out) the most dignified creatures on Earth.
This piece is unpublished
Photo: onegreenplanet.org/animalsandnature/ailments-suffered-by-circus-animals/